DISCVRSO QVARTO.

ARTE, Y EXPERIENCIA de la Eſpada

FOURTH DISCOURSE.

ART AND EXPERIENCE of the sword

En El Diſcurſo antecedente ſe notò, por la autoridad de Celio Rodiginio, ſus poteſtades cognitivas, ſignificadas de los Griegos, condiciones correſpondientes à mente cogitacion, y opinion, que en tuerca del ſignificado, el miſmo Celiò las explico, Ciencia, Arte, y Experiencia, que ſon potencias analogas, que incluyen el perfecto conocimiento humano.

In the preceding discourse, Celio Rodiginio’s cognitive powers were noted, signified by the Greeks as conditions corresponding to thought and opinion. In the twist of meaning, Celio himself explained them as Science, Art, and Experience, which are analogous powers that include perfect human knowledge.

Sobre eſta baſis, que admite dilatada exornacion (omitiendola por la brevedad) contentandonos, aviendo probado, que la inteligeticia, y exercicio de la Eſpada es cienceia nobiliſsima, reſervando para eſte lugar la demonſtraction de las dicciones, Arte, y Experiencia, de donde ſe podrà conſeguir el perfecto conocimiento de la verdad formal de la inteligencia, y exercicio del inſtrumento Eſpada, reſultando de todo lo que vulgarmente ſe tiene por verdadera Deſtreza, à que Geronimo Carranza llamò, Philofophia de la Eſpada, con demonſtcacion de ſu difinicion; y Don Luis Pacheco de Narvaez, ciencia, por los y comunes principios de inveſtigarſe por ſus cauſas; y los Italianos, Franceſes, y Septentrionales la conceden por Arte, ſin dezir de què eſpecie; ſi Liberal, ò ſervil, advirtiendo ſolo, que puede conſtar de reglas, y preceptos, como ſe colige de Angelo Vigiano, Tibaut, y Pedro Gregorio.

On this basis, which allows for extensive adornment (omitting it for brevity) we content ourselves, having proven that the understanding and exercise of the Sword is most noble science. We reserve for this place the demonstration of the terms, Art, and Experience, from which perfect knowledge of the formal truth of the understanding and exercise of the instrument Sword can be achieved. The result of all this is what is commonly held as true Dexterity, which Geronimo Carranza called the Philosophy of the Sword, with demonstration of its definition; and Don Luis Pacheco de Narvaez, science, for its common principles of being investigated by its causes; and the Italians, French, and Northerners grant it as Art, without saying what kind; whether Liberal, or servile, noting only that it can consist of rules and precepts, as is gleaned from Angelo Vigiano, Tibaut, and Pedro Gregorio.

Deſtas luzes tan confuſas, en fuerca de continuos deſvelos, eſtudios, y operaciones, he llegado à inquirir en què es Ciencia, en què es Arte, y en què Experiencia. De la ciencia queda demonſtrado lo baftante, con que procederè à lo demàs.

From these confusing lights, through continuous efforts, studies, and operations, I have come to inquire what is Science, what is Art, and what is Experience. Enough has been demonstrated about science, so I will proceed to the rest.

Comun es en toda buena Philoſophia, que de la ciencia ſe produce el arte, porque no es otra coſa, que Coleccion de preceptos, reducidos à methodo, y orden, qual ſe concede en la Logica, y la Dialectica, que miran à vn ſin, que es la raciocinacion, y el argumento para inquirir la verdad: la Logica es ciencia, y della ſe produce la Dialectica, que propriamente es arte, colegida de diverſas reglas, y preceptos para diſputar: y como en la Logica, y en la Dialectica ſe conſideran diferentes circunſtancias, con que aquella es ciencuia, y eſta es arte, producida eſta de aquella; aſsi tambien de la ciencia Docens, y Utens, de la inteligencia, y exercicio de la Eſpada ſe produce el arte, con que ſe diſputa ſu operacion formal.

It is common in all good Philosophy, that from science comes art, because it is nothing other than a collection of precepts, reduced to method and order, which is granted in Logic, and Dialectic, which look to an end, which is reasoning, and the argument for inquiring the truth: Logic is science, and from it is produced Dialectic, which properly is art, collected from various rules and precepts for arguing: and as in Logic, and in Dialectic, different circumstances are considered, with which the former is science, and the latter is art, this one produced from that one; also from the science of Teaching, and Using, of the understanding, and exercise of the Sword is produced the art, with which its formal operation is disputed.

Platon por la ethimologia de los terminos, Logica, y Dialectica, explicò ſu diferencia, inſinuando aquella ſer ciencia, y eſta arte, y aſsi notó: Logica dizeſe à Logos, que ſignifica razon probablel; y Dialectica (ſegun Diogenes Laercio) viene de la palabra Griega Dialegiſte, que ſignifica altercacion en pregunta, y reſpueſta, de donde Platon difiniò la Dialectica, diziendo ſer Pericia de diſputar, interrogando, y reſpondiendo.

Plato, through the etymology of the terms, Logic, and Dialectic, explained their difference, suggesting the former as science and the latter as art. As he noted, Logic comes from Logos, which means probable reason; and Dialectic (according to Diogenes Laertius) comes from the Greek word Dialegiste, which means altercation in question and answer, from which Plato defined Dialectic, saying it is the skill of disputing, questioning, and answering.

Segun mi intento, lo miſmo puede conſiderarſe en la ciencia, y el arte del inſtrumento Eſpada, porque la ciencia enſeñante, y exerciente, raciocinando por ente real, conſigue la razon probable, y demonſtrativa de la inteligencia, y exercicio del inſtrumento Eſpada; y en eſta parte podrà conſiderarſe en lo vniverlal ciencia: mas en el vſo operante de la Eſpada, que ſe reducea reglas, y preceptos, reſtrictamente producidos de la ciencia, y opinion, ſerà arte tan ſolamente, como ſe exemplifica en la Logica, y la Dialectica.

According to my intention, the same can be considered in the science and art of the Sword. Because the teaching and practicing science, reasoning for real being, achieves the probable and demonstrative reason of the understanding and exercise of the Sword. In this part, it can be universally considered science. But in the operating use of the Sword, which is reduced to rules and precepts, strictly produced from science and opinion, it will be only art, as exemplified in Logic and Dialectic.

Exempli cauſa, Ariſtoteles à la Dialectica concediòla ſer parte de los Topicos, eſto es, Arte de diſcurrir los probables, aſsi dixo; La Dialectica es accion diſcurſiva, que ſe concluye de los problemas. De donde el niſmo Philoſopho enſeñò, Ser vtil para confirmar los principios de las ciencias por los problemas; y el proprio concluye, que Del Philoſopho es tratar theorematicamente por los diſcurſos neceſſarios: y del Dialectico por los problemas. De donde ſe halla reſuelto por el miſmo Ariſtoteles en todas ſus obras, que la Dialectica es Arte, que diſputa, ò controvierte por los problemas. Aplico, pues, en la ciencia, y arte del inſtrumento Eſpada, quando ſe raciocina theorematicamente Docens, y Vtens, es ciencia; y quando ſe opera por preceptos, y regla colegidos por los probables, es arte.

For example, Aristotle granted Dialectic to be part of the Topics, that is, the Art of discussing the probables, thus he said, Dialectic is a discursive action, which is concluded from the problems. From this, the same Philosopher taught, “It is useful to confirm the principles of sciences by problems;” and he himself concludes that “It is the Philosopher’s task to treat theorematically through necessary discourses: and the Dialectic through problems.” From this, it is resolved by Aristotle himself in all his works, that Dialectic is Art, which disputes or debates through problems. I apply, then, in the science and art of the Sword, when reasoning theorematically Teaching and Using, it is science; and when operating by precepts and rules collected by the probables, it is art.

Mas podrá ſer que aya curioſo, que ponga por objecion la que ſe toca en la, Dialectica, que he tomado por cauſa de el exemplo, y dirà: Ariſtoteles, ò trata de los ſylogiſmos de la Dialectica en ſu todo, ò en ſus partes. Si de los ſylogiſmos en todo, toca à los Analyticos: luego la Dialectica ſerà parte de los Analyticos, ò los Analyticos ſe nombraràn Dialectica: y al intento arguyendo: ò el arte de la Eſpada trata de ſu inteligencia, y exercicio en ſu todo, ò en parte? Si en todo, ferà la miſma ciencia, ò la ciencia ſerà el arte: parte no puede ſer, como conſta.

But there may be a curious one, who raises the objection that is touched upon in Dialectic, which I have taken as the cause of the example, and will say: Aristotle, either deals with the syllogisms of Dialectic as a whole, or in its parts. If of syllogisms as a whole, it touches on the Analytics: therefore, Dialectic will be part of the Analytics, or the Analytics will be called Dialectic. And arguing to the point: or does the art of the Sword deal with its intelligence and exercise as a whole, or in part? If in its entirety, it will be the same science, or the science will be the art: it cannot be part, as it is clear.

A mas claridad; reſpondeſe al argumento contrario: Partes de los Analyticos llamò Ariſtoteles parte de la Dialectica, no porque en la realidad verdadera ſea fu parte, ſino porque de neceſsidad, para la perfeccion de la Dialectica, ſe vale de ſus terminos abſolutos, con que extrinſecamente ſe conduce à la conſumacion de ſu ſin, adquiriendo partes de los Analyticos, mas no por ſer parte de ellos. Hallaſe exemplo en el miſmo Ariſtoteles, que dize: Las partes analyticas, y ciencia civil, ſon partes de la Rhetorica, no porque en realidad verdadera ſean ſus partes, fino porque extrinfecamente neceſsita de ellas la Rhetorica, para conducirſe à ſu conſumacion, y fin.

In greater clarity; the counter-argument is answered: Aristotle called parts of the Analytics part of the Dialectic, not because in true reality it is part of it, but because out of necessity, for the perfection of Dialectic, it uses its absolute terms, with which it extrinsically leads to the consummation of its end, acquiring parts of the Analytics, but not because it is part of them. An example is found in Aristotle himself, who says: The analytic parts, and civil science, are parts of Rhetoric, not because in true reality they are its parts, but because extrinsically Rhetoric needs them, to lead itself to its consummation, and end.

Y por la miſma analogia en el Arte de la Eſpada, valeſe de la razon, y medios de ſu ciencia, de donde es producida, aſsi como la Dialectica de la Logica, para conſeguir ſu mayor perfeccion, obrando por las reglas, y preceptos de la ciencia, y la opinion: no porque el arte ſea ciencia, ni la ciencia arte, ni la opinon vno, ni otro, ſino porque para conducirſe el Arte à ſu confumacion, ſe vale de todos los medios, ciencias, y diſciplinas, de que neceſsita, aſsi como la Geometria, y otras partes de las Mathematicas, no porque el Arte de la Eſpada ſea parte de las Mathematicas, ni las Mathematicas parte del Arte dela Eſpada, fino por la miſma razon, que exemplifica el Philoſopho en la Rhetorica, reſpecto de los Analiticos, y ciencia civil.

And by the same analogy in the Art of the Sword, it makes use of the reason and means of its science, from which it is produced, just as Dialectic does from Logic, to achieve its greatest perfection, working by the rules and precepts of science and opinion: not because art is science, nor science art, nor opinion one or the other, but because to lead the Art to its consummation, it makes use of all the means, sciences, and disciplines it needs, just like Geometry and other parts of Mathematics, not because the Art of the Sword is part of Mathematics, nor Mathematics part of the Art of the Sword, but for the same reason that the Philosopher exemplifies in Rhetoric, with respect to the Analytics and civil science.

Segun la doctrina Platonica, recibida de todos los Philoſophos, en toda diſputa es forçoſo difinir aquello de que ſe trata, aſsi dirèmos: Arte del vſo del inftrumento Eſpada es habito con que el hombre, obſervando reglas, y preceptos, producidos de la ciencia, y la experiencia, obra eficàzmente en defenſa, y ofenſa.

According to the Platonic doctrine, received by all Philosophers, in every dispute it is necessary to define what is being discussed, so we will say: Art of the use of the Sword is a habit with which man, observing rules and precepts, produced from science and experience, acts effectively in defense and offense.

Eſta difinicion es propria, y quiditativa, mas que deſcriptiva; pues como puede reconocerſe, el genero es el habito en comun, obſervando reglas, y preceptos, que genericamente conviene à todo Arte: la diferencia es, ſer los preceptos, y reglas, producidos de ciencia, y experiencia, que dirigen à obrar el hombre eficàzmente en defenſa, y ofenſa, de que ſe puede vèrà Ariſtoteles en el libro 6. de ſus Ethicas, cap.4.Y5.

This definition is more proper and quidditative than descriptive; as can be recognized, the genre is the habit in common, observing rules and precepts, which generically fits every Art: the difference is, to be the precepts and rules, produced from science and experience, that direct man to act effectively in defense and offense, of which Aristotle can be seen in book 6 of his Ethics, chapters 4 and 5.

Pruebaſe por la difinicion de la difinicion que dà Ariſtoteles, diziendo: La difinicion es oracion, que explica la eſencia de lo difinido; veaſe à Santo Thomàs en el miſmo lugar, Cayetano, Alexandro Aphrodiſeo, y el corriente de los Eſolaſticos. Ciceron, concordante Ariſtoteles, dixo: La difinicion es oracion explicante, porque ay ſugeto difinido.

It is proven by the definition of the definition that Aristotle gives, saying: The definition is a statement that explains the essence of what is defined; see St. Thomas in the same place, Cayetano, Alexander of Aphrodisias, and the current of the Scholastics. Cicero, agreeing with Aristotle, said: The definition is an explanatory statement, because there is a defined subject.

Ambas difiniciones de la difinicion equivalen à vn miſmo concepto, porque lo miſmo es explicar la eſſencia de lo difinido, que explicar, que ſea el ſugeto, que ſe difine. La objecion comun, que ſe pone en las Eſcuelas, es dezir, que ni vna, ni otra difinicion explica ſi ha de ſer larga, ò breve, de donde los Modernos no ſe quietan, pretendiendo alucinar mas, como ſe tocarà en ſu lugar: reſumiendo aqui por lo mas concordante, que la difinicion de la difinicion es, ſer oracion explicante de la naturaleza de la coſa difinida, incluſa en ambito breviſsimo, con que ſe ſatisface à la objecion; aſsi compilò el Padre Oña, diziendo, difinicion es coleccion de las propriedades de lo que vno es, que en otro no ſe halla.

Both definitions of the definition are equivalent to the same concept, because it is the same to explain the essence of what is defined, as to explain what the subject is that is defined. The common objection that is put forward in schools is to say that neither one definition nor the other explains whether it should be long or short, from which the Moderns do not rest, pretending to hallucinate more, as will be touched upon in its place: summarizing here by the most concordant, that the definition of the definition is, to be a statement explaining the nature of the thing defined, included in the shortest ambit, which satisfies the objection; so Father Oña compiled it, saying, a definition is a collection of the properties of what one is, which is not found in another.

Supueſto aſsi, imitando el antiguo comun eſtilo, es fuerça tambien (en el artem, y experiencia de la Eſpada) difinir el inſtrumento, y genericamente diràſe: Inftrumento es aquel, que intercediente ſe haze la accion, y ſe exerce el oficio, como el inſtrumento de vèr ſon los ojos,el inſtrumento de cortar las maderas es la ſierra, el inſtrumento del Orador es la voz, articulando palabras, y colocando periodos, con las calidades, que advierten Quintiliano, y Rodolpho Argricola, que difiniò la oracion por el efecto, ſegun la razon de la argumentacion, que explica Ser oracion, ò inftrumento,que convence al adverſario, y le protrahe à la conſequencia del protrahente. Que puede aplicarſe al inftrumento Eſpada, regido por coleccion de reglas, y preceptos, de tal arte, que convenciendo al contrario, le necefsite à la conſequencia del protrahente.

Assuming this, imitating the old common style, it is also necessary (in the art and experience of the Sword) to define the instrument, and generically it will be said: An instrument is that which, intervening, makes the action and exercises the office, as the instrument of seeing are the eyes, the instrument of cutting wood is the saw, the instrument of the Orator is the voice, articulating words, and placing periods, with the qualities, that Quintilian, and Rodolphus Agricola, who defined the speech by the effect, according to the reason of the argument, that explains to be speech, or instrument, that convinces the adversary, and leads him to the consequence of the leading. This can be applied to the instrument Sword, governed by a collection of rules and precepts, in such a way that, convincing the contrary, it forces him to the consequence of the leading.

Eſto (ſegun la doctrina del miſmo Rodolpho) ſe alcanca por dos medios, que ſon, la diſpoſicion, y la controverſia, aſsi como con la Dialectica, por la diſpoſicion de los argumentos, y diſputa, que tambien admite el termino Certamen, como el de las Eſpadas.

This (according to the doctrine of the same Rodolphus) is achieved by two means, which are, disposition and controversy, just as with Dialectics, by the disposition of arguments, and dispute, which also admits the term Contest, like that of Swords.

Dudaſe (con todo eſſo) fi el inſtrumento Eſpada es del Arte, ò el Artifice? A que ſe dize (con los Philoſophos) que como el inſtrumento es del Arte, y del Artifice; el miſmo juizio ſe haze del inſftrumento Eſpada, que tambien es del Arte, y del Artifice.

It is doubted (with all that) whether the instrument Sword belongs to the Art, or to the Artisan? To this it is said (with the Philosophers) that as the instrument is of the Art, and of the Artisan; the same judgement is made of the instrument Sword, which is also of the Art, and of the Artisan.

Pruebaſe la conſequencia por autoridad de Quintiliano, que lleva comun, que el inftrumento es el intercediente, con que ſe perficiona la accion; y aquel ſolo es el Artifice, cuyo es el inſtrumento. Mas ſi ſe dize, que vna es la razon de los inftrumentos del Arte, y otra la del Artifices; es facil la ſolucion paralos que entienden los terminos, Qui, Quo, y Quod: Qui, es el Artifice : Quo, el inſtrumento: Quod, el intento, ò efecto, que todo compone vn todo phyfico en concreto accidental, perficionando la accion el agente Qui, por el inſtrumento Quo, que es la Eſpada: de que ſe ſigue, que el inſtrumento es del Arte; porque en beneficio del Arte, el Artifice, y el inſtrumento ſe dirigen a vn intento. Por lo qual el inſtrumento Eſpada, regido del hombre, que es el Artifice, por las reglas, y preceptos del Arte, no compone mas, que vn concreto accidental, que ſe forma, ò reſulta del Arte.

The consequence is proven by the authority of Quintilian, who carries the common understanding, that the instrument is the intervening party, with which the action is perfected; and that one alone is the Artisan, to whom the instrument belongs. But if it is said that one is the reason for the instruments of Art, and another for the Artisans; the solution is easy for those who understand the terms, Qui, Quo, and Quod: Qui, is the Artisan: Quo, the instrument: Quod, the intention, or effect, which all compose a whole physical in concrete accidental, perfecting the action the agent Qui, by the instrument Quo, which is the Sword: from which it follows, that the instrument is of the Art; because in the benefit of the Art, the Artisan, and the instrument are directed to an intention. Therefore, the instrument Sword, governed by the man, who is the Artisan, by the rules, and precepts of the Art, composes no more than an accidental concrete, which is formed, or results from the Art.

Exempli cauſa, el freno en el cavallo es inſtrumento con que todo el compueſto (aunque de diferentes cuerpos) braço, mano, agilitados ſon cauſa para la vitoria: aſsi en el compueſto accidental, hombre, y Eſpada; La deſtreza, ò avilidad vſada, cauſan vitoria: luego la Eſpada, como inftrumento, es del Arte, y de el Artifice. Eſto baſte por aora quanto al Arte, pues de lo apuntado ſe podra diſcurrir con dilatadas exornaciones, que perficionarán los entendidos en el exercicio de las Armas, por lo que ſon Arte.

For example, the bridle in the horse is an instrument with which the whole compound (although of different bodies) arm, hand, agility are a cause for victory: so in the accidental compound, man, and Sword; The skill, or ability used, cause victory: therefore the Sword, as an instrument, is of the Art, and of the Artisan. This will suffice for now as to the Art, since from the pointed out, one can discourse with extended adornments, which will perfect those knowledgeable in the exercise of Arms, for what they are Art.

Quanto à la experiencia, no es menos dilatado el campo, donde cogeremos algunas flores. Flavio Vegecio, Autor muy en la erudito, y dignamente eſtimado el la ciencia belica, reconociò por principio, ò aximoa cierto, que en toda pelèa, yà ſea de muchos contra muchos, yà de ſingulares (que todo lo abraça el termino Omni Prælio) no tanto las fuerças indoctas, quanto el arte, y exercicio experimental, conſiguen la vitoria: luego no es baſtante la eſpeculacion ſola de las Armas, ſi falta el art, y la experiencia, pues nada preſta la ideal ſin la operacion.

As for experience, the field is no less expansive, where we will pick some flowers. Flavius Vegetius, a highly erudite author, and rightly esteemed in the science of war, recognized as a principle, or certain axiom, that in all fights, whether many against many, or singular (which all are embraced by the term Omni Prælio) not so much untrained forces, but art and experimental exercise, achieve victory: therefore the mere speculation of Arms is not sufficient, if art and experience are lacking, since the ideal is useless without operation.

Què importa que el que ſe precia de Geometra, porque eſtà dieſtro en la colocacion de lineas, y figuras, pareciendole, que por ſer la Geometria ſubalterna à la inteligencia, y exercicio de la Eſpada (como tambien a la Phyſica, Metaphylica, y Philoſoplia) haga propoſiciones, que le parezcan demonſtrables, con laregla, y el compàs, ſi en la operacion de la Eſpada le falta el Arte, y la experiencia? Sepa el mas eſpeculativo, que para la perfeccion de la inteligencia, y exercicio de la Eſpada, ſe neceſsita de todas le tres poteſtades cognitivas, Ciencia, Arte, y Experiencia; pues como ſinitò el miſmo Vegecio: Si bien la ciencia del pelear aumenta la audacia, porque ninguno teme hazer lo que conſia tener experimentado, con todo eſſo, en el certamen de las acciones belicas, el poco numero exercitado es mas prompto para la victoria, que la multidad ruda, è indocta, que ſiempre eſtà ſugeta à la ſuga, y à las heridas. Siendo la comprobacion la que dà el miſmo Flavio, diziendo: Que nada ay, que con la aſsidua meditacion, y vfo no reſulte facil.

What does it matter if he who prides himself as a Geometer, because he is adept at the placement of lines and figures, seeming to him that Geometry is subordinate to the intelligence and exercise of the Sword (as also to Physics, Metaphysics, and Philosophy) makes propositions that seem demonstrable to him, with the rule and compass, if in the operation of the Sword he lacks Art, and experience? Let the most speculative know that for the perfection of intelligence and exercise of the Sword, all the three cognitive powers, Science, Art, and Experience, are necessary; for as Vegetius himself concluded: Although the science of fighting increases audacity, because no one fears to do what they know they have experienced, nevertheless, in the contest of warlike actions, the small number of trained soldiers is more prompt for victory, than the rude and unlearned multitude, who are always subject to flight and wounds. The proof is given by Flavius himself, saying: That there is nothing that does not become easy with constant meditation and use.

Donde ſe infiere, que ciencia, arte, y experiencia es neceſſario concurran en la que vulgarmente llaman verdadera Deſtreza de la Eſpada: y en tanto grado es forçoſa la experimental operacion, que para conſeguirla, vſaron varios modos las Naciones valientes; y en eſpecial el inſtrumento Eſpada, y eſcudo: eſte (como deſcribe Flavio Vegecio) le formavan circular, de mimbres, en doblado peſo, que los ordinarios, que ſe vſavan en los Exercitos: y en lugar de Eſpadas, en los principios à los Soldados nuevos, que llamaban Tirones (y nueſtro vulgar, Viſoños) daban las clavas, que eran vnas como Eſpadas de madera, tambien de duplo peſo, que las comunes; y para que les fuelle maeſtra la experiencia propria, colocavanle vnos palos, labrados como Eſpadas, de elevacion de ſeis pies geometricos cada vno, ſiendo el palo afixo movible à la parte del Tiron. En eſte modo para cada vno ſe afixava vn palo, y contra èl, como ſi fuera otro adverſario, con el eſcudo, y con la clava (que ſervia por Eſpada) Se exercitavan, hallandoſe en opoſicion, procurando herir, yà en la cabeça, yà enla cara, yà en los lados, enfeñandoſe à eutrar, y à ſalir, y experimentarſe en todos los movimientos de los pies, y piernas, reparandoſe, embiſtiendo, y retirandoſe, como ſi el palo fuera otro hombre enemigo, executando todo impetu, y todo arte en batallar, con tal meditacion, y cautela, que reconociefſen, y experimentaſſen, como avian de herir, ſin ſer ofendidos.

From this, it can be inferred that science, art, and experience must coincide in what is commonly called the true Skill of the Sword: and to such a degree is the experimental operation imperative, that to achieve it, various methods were used by valiant Nations; particularly with the instrument of the sword and shield: this (as described by Flavius Vegetius) was made circular, from wicker, with double the weight of the ordinary ones used in the armies: and in place of swords, at the beginning, they gave new soldiers, called Tirones (and our common term, ‘greenhorns’) clubs, which were like wooden swords, also double the weight of the common ones; and so that they could be taught from their own experience, they set up wooden poles, shaped like swords, each one six geometric feet high, with the pole being movable towards the part of the Tirone. In this way, a pole was attached for each one, and against it, as if it were another adversary, with the shield and club (which served as a sword) they trained, finding themselves in opposition, trying to hit either the head, face or sides, teaching themselves to enter and exit, and to experience all movements of the feet and legs, defending, attacking, and retreating, as if the pole were another enemy man, executing all impetus, and all art in fighting, with such meditation and caution, that they recognized and experienced how they had to strike, without being offended.

Eſte vſo de los palos, advierte el miſmo Vegecio, Ser, no ſolo vtiliſsimo à los Soldados, ſino à los Gladiatores (que eran los que neceſsitavan de la mayor Deſtreza de la Eſpada. Y pondera: Que nunca en el arena, ò en el campo ſe reconociò invicto en las armas ningun varon, ſino el que ſe avia exercitado en el palo.

Vegetius himself notes that this practice of using poles was not only extremely useful for soldiers, but also for gladiators, who required the highest skill in swordsmanship. He emphasizes that no man has ever been recognized as invincible in the arena or on the battlefield without having practiced with the pole.

Grande exemplar! Delengaño grande para concluir, y convencer à los que preſumen, que ſin la agilidad en el obrar, experimentando, pueden paſſar à entender con perfeccion el arte, ni la ciencia de la Eſpada! en cuyos efectos valen poco por si ſolamente las lineas, figuras, circulos, y ſecciones conicas, premeditadas en la fantasia, y deſcritas en el papel, ò la eſtampa. Que ſi bien el cientifico, y experimentado de vno, y otro conſigue la coleccion de reglas, y preceptos, de que ſe forma el arte; tambien reconoce con delengaño, y evidencia, que entre los canceles del obrar, defendiendoſe, y ofendiendo en la execucion contra otro hombre adverſario, no ſirven las formalidades de lineas, y conicas ſecciones, &c. que en el papel, ò la eſtampa deſcriben los puros Mathematicos, ſino otras, que aunque originadas de las Geometricas, ſe obran con la Eſpada, y braço, apropriando eſtos terminos à la inteligencia, y exercicio de la Eſpada, variando los centros, y las poſiciones, ſegun los movimientos forçolos à la operacion; y eſto con tanta preſteza, que ni la viſta bien los percibe, ni todas vezes ſe iguala con la fantasia: y ſi eſto miſmo es forcoſo contra vn palo, quanto mas contra vn adverſario racional? Y quanto menos ſeràn vtiles theoremas, y problemas de precilas lineas, circulos, y figuras , mayormente quando no ſe adequan à la miſma operacion.

Great example! It’s a grand disillusionment that conclusively convinces those who presume that they can fully understand the art or the science of the Sword without agility in action and experiential learning! In whose effects alone, lines, figures, circles, and conical sections, premeditated in the imagination and described on paper or print, are of little value. While a knowledgeable and experienced person achieves a collection of rules and precepts that form the art, they also recognize with disillusionment and evidence, that formalities of lines and conical sections, etc., that pure mathematicians describe on paper or in prints, are not useful among the actions of defending and offending in execution against another human adversary. Rather, they rely on other methods that, although originating from geometric ones, are performed with the sword and arm, adapting these terms to the understanding and practice of the Sword, varying the centers and positions according to the movements compelled by the operation; and this with such speed that neither the sight perceives them well, nor always do they align with the imagination: and if this is necessary against a pole, how much more against a rational adversary? And how much less useful will be theorems and problems of precise lines, circles, and figures, especially when they do not fit the operation itself.

De la ciencia, y la experiencia ſe perficiona, y coligen las reglas, y preceptos del arte, y faltando qualquiera de las tres poteſtades cognitivas, barbaramente ſe preſumira alcançar la inteligencia, y exercicio de la Eſpada (que vulgarmente llaman Deſtreza) que para conſeguirla entre los Romanos, no ſolo ſe valian de la exercitacion experimental al palo, ſino advirtiendo (como nota el miſmo Vegecio) quando importa ſaber herir mas de punta, que de corte.

From science and experience, the rules and precepts of art are perfected and gathered, and lacking any of the three cognitive powers, one will barbarically presume to grasp the understanding and exercise of the Sword (which is commonly called Skill) that to achieve it among the Romans, they not only relied on experimental practice with the pole, but also noting (as Vegetius himself points out) when it is important to know how to strike more with the point than with the edge.

Demàs de que En el genero del exercicio, que llamavan de Armatura los Doctores del Campo (que con eſte nombre ſignifica Vegecio los Sabios en la ciencia, arte, y experiencia de la Eſpada) examinavan los Tirones, reconociendo, que en todas las batallas, los exercitados en las Armaturas peleavan mejor, que los demàs. De donde ſaca la conſequencia, confirmada con la eſtimacion, diziendo : De lo qual debe entenderſe, quanto el exercitado Milite ſea mejor, que el no exercitado, y erudito en la Armatura, y quanto preceden à ſus contubernales en el arte de pelear.

Furthermore, in the type of exercise that the Field Doctors (who Vegetius signifies with this name as experts in the science, art, and experience of the Sword) called ‘Armatura’, they examined the Tirones, recognizing that in all battles, those trained in the Armatura fought better than the others. From this, he draws the conclusion, confirmed with estimation, saying: From this it must be understood, how much better the trained soldier is than the untrained one, and learned in the Armatura, and how much they precede their comrades in the art of fighting.

Y añade: De tal manera ſe obrava ſeveramente cerca de los mayores la diſciplina de el exercicio, que como à los Doctores de las Armas, con dobladas annonas (que eran las raciones militares) los remuneravan: y à los Soldados, que ſe aprovechavan poco de tales exercicios, en lugar de trigo, les davan cebada, compeliendoles à recibirla, y no podian bolver à gozar de annona de trigo, haſta que en preſencia del Prefecto de la Legion, y de los Tribunos, y del Principe, à General, hizieſſen experiencia, con que demonſtraffen, que ſabian en todo lo que tenian obligacion del Arte Militar. Y concluye con tal ponderacion. Nada mas firmem ni mas feliz, mi de mayor alabança es en la Republica, que abundar de Soldados dieſtros, y eruditos : que no el veſtir reſplandeciente por el oro, ò la plata, ò las piedras brillantes, inclinan à los enemigos à la reverencia, ò à la gracias; fino ſolo el temor de las armas con que ſon vencidos. Aſsi digo Caton: Que los errores pueden corregirſe, mas no en los delitos de las peleas, que no reciben enmienda, porque en ella perecen los que imperitos impugnan, ò huyendo de los vitorioſos, ò monſtrandoſeles inferiores.

And he adds: The discipline of exercise was so severely enforced among the elders that, as for the Doctors of Arms, they were rewarded with doubled annonas (which were military rations): and for the soldiers who made little progress from such exercises, in place of wheat, they were given barley, compelling them to accept it, and they could not return to enjoy wheat annonas until in the presence of the Prefect of the Legion, and of the Tribunes, and of the General Prince, they could demonstrate that they knew everything they were obligated to in Military Art. And he concludes with such emphasis. Nothing is more stable, happier, or more praiseworthy in the Republic than an abundance of skilled and learned soldiers: it is not dressing in gold, silver, or shiny stones that inclines enemies to reverence or grace; but only the fear of the weapons by which they are defeated. Thus, I say with Cato: Errors can be corrected, but not in the crimes of battles, which do not receive amendment, because in them those who ignorantly oppose perish, either fleeing from the victors or showing themselves to be inferior.

Venſe yà las cauſas, y exemplares, dignos del empleo en los eſtudios, y operaciones de la inteligencia, y exercicio de la Eſpada, que à todos vilos es noble, vtil, y neceſſario ; ſiendo tambien gran luſtre para la Nacion, grande ornato en la policia, grande fuerça en el Exercito, y grande reputacion en las armas, por ſer la Eſpada la preeminente, y gran cauſa para las vitorias.

We can already see the causes and examples, worthy of commitment in the studies and operations of intelligence and exercise of the Sword, that for everyone is noble, useful, and necessary; also being a great honor for the Nation, a significant ornament in public order, a great strength in the Army, and a great reputation in weapons, as the Sword is preeminent and a significant cause for victories.

En eſta conſideracion, los Antiguos, aun en la rudeza deſpues de el Vniverſal Diluvio, neceſsitados à la defenſa, y ofenfa, no ſolo premeditaron medios para introducir ciencia, arte, y experiencia en el pelear con diferentes inſtrumentos armigeros, agilitando los hombres, fino que los alentavan con premios, honor, y fama, dedicando lugares, y tiempos para tales exercicios. De eſta cauſa reſultò la diverſidad de las exercitaciones militares, en la lucha, la carrera, el ſalto, la aſta, y otras agitaciones corporales, con premios honorificos, coronas, y otro ornatos, de los que llamaron Juegos Olimpicos, en cuyo terminos ſe fubrogò deſpues los certamenes, como de vnos, y otros pueden formarſe grandes volumenes. Aqui he omutido lo que no es de mi aſſumpto, remitiendo los curioſos à Pauſanias, Athenco, Suydas, Celio Rodiginio, Natal Comite, Strabon, Herodoto, Raviſio Textor, y latiſsimo Juan Villembrochio Dantiſcano. Hallaſe en los Autores citados, y en Hiſtoriadores antiguos, y Modernos, que en varios tiempos, Naciones, y Provincias, huvo certamenes de Armas con Juezes, y premios (al modo de los Olimpicos) de que trata Pauſaniasl: y à nueſtro intento hallaſe el que inſtituyò antiquiſsimo, llamado de Grave Armatura, que fue el de la Eſpada, elcudo, y tunica armigera, como ſe reconoce en Flavio Vegecio, por el termino Armatura, y de eſte dize Villembrochio, que fue deſpues inſtituido, admitiendoſe el curfo de los Peones, porque le eſtimaron vtil para la guerra; y el primer vitorioſo en tal certamen de la Eſpada, fue declarado Demerato de Hera, coronandole al vſo, y rito de los certamenes Gymnicos, en que los premios eran ſolos Coronas de hojas de diferentes arboles, ò plantas, fiendo el honor el verdadero premio de la vtrtud. De donde reſulta el cèlebre dicho de Tigranes, hijo de Artabano, que oyendo dezir delos Griegos, que la pericia, deſtreza, y valor en el manejo de las Armas, ſe recibia con folo Coronas de Apio, Oliva, ò Laurel; quando Papeo Madronio perſuadia à Xerxes les huzieſle guerras, exclamó: O Principe, contra què varones: nos induces à pelear, que no de las pecunias agitan los certamenes, ſino de la virtud?

In this consideration, the Ancients, even in their rudeness after the Universal Flood, in need of defense and offense, not only premeditated ways to introduce science, art, and experience into fighting with different warlike instruments, making men agile, but they also encouraged them with rewards, honor, and fame, dedicating places and times for such exercises. This resulted in the diversity of military exercises, in wrestling, running, jumping, spear throwing, and other bodily exertions, with honorary rewards, crowns, and other decorations, from what they called the Olympic Games, into whose terms they later substituted contests, as from some and others, large volumes can be formed. Here I have omitted what is not of my subject, referring the curious to Pausanias, Athenaeus, Suidas, Caelius Rhodiginus, Natal Comite, Strabo, Herodotus, Ravisius Textor, and the extensive Johannes Villembrochius Dantiscanus. It is found in the cited authors, and in ancient and modern historians, that at various times, nations, and provinces, there were contests of arms with judges and prizes (in the manner of the Olympics) which Pausanias talks about: and to our purpose, we find the one that was most anciently instituted, called Grave Armatura, which was of the Sword, the shield, and the warlike tunic, as is recognized in Flavius Vegetius, by the term Armatura, and of this Villembrochius says that it was later instituted, accepting the course of the Infantry, because they considered it useful for war; and the first victorious in such a contest of the Sword, was declared Demeratus of Hera, crowning him in the manner, and rite of the Gymnic contests, in which the prizes were only crowns of leaves from different trees, or plants, with honor being the true reward of virtue. Hence the famous saying of Tigranes, son of Artabanus, who upon hearing from the Greeks that skill, dexterity, and valor in the handling of arms, was received with only crowns of Celery, Olive, or Laurel; when Papeo Madronio was persuading Xerxes to wage war against them, he exclaimed: Oh Prince, against what men do you induce us to fight, who do not agitate contests for money, but for virtue?

Con tal fin advierte Alexandro en ſus Dias Geniales, que los Juegos Gladiatorios (eſto es, de la Eſpada) ſe inſtituyeron para inſtruir la juventud en las Armas, acoſtumbrandoſe aſsi à no temer los congreſſos de los enemigos, tanto mas honorifico tal exercicio, y tanto mas proprio de los nobles, quanto ſon mas dedicados à las acciones belicas por obligacion.

With this end in mind, Alexandro in his Genial Days advises that the Gladiatorial Games (that is, of the Sword) were instituted to instruct youth in Arms, thus becoming accustomed to not fearing the congress of enemies, this exercise being all the more honorable, and all the more proper for the nobles, as they are more dedicated to warlike actions by obligation.

Aſsi nota Xenophonte de Cyro, por accion grandes, aver quitado à ſus Soldados los arcos, y flechas, dexandoles tan ſolo la Eſpada, eſcudo, y toráz, para que peleaſſen mas dieſtros, y animoſos: y à eſte ſin introduxo entre los Soldados certamenes de tales armas, adquiriendo en ellas inteligencia, exercicio, y deſtreza, premiando los vitorioſos con dones de precio, y remunerandolos con dignidades.

So Xenophon notes about Cyrus, in a great action, that he took away the bows and arrows from his soldiers, leaving them only the sword, shield, and breastplate, so that they would fight more skillfully and bravely: and to this end, he introduced among the soldiers contests with such weapons, acquiring in them intelligence, exercise, and skill, rewarding the victorious with valuable gifts, and remunerating them with dignities.

Suetonio Tranquilo refiere de Julio Ceſar, que eſtimó tanto la Deſtreza de las Armas, que à ſus Tirones en el juego, y exercicio de la Eſpada, no les permitia ſer enſeñados de los Maeſtros comunes (que llamavan Laniſtas) ſino que obligava à los Cavalleros Romanos, y à los miſmos Senadores perito des las Armas (que por eſſo ſe llamavan Doctores de los Exercitos, ſegun Vegecio) à que enſeñaſſen en ſus caſas à los Militares; à cuyo ſin les hizo ruegos publicos en ſus cartas, animandolos à adquirir la ciencia, y deſtreza de los ſingulares, para que aſsi la pudieſſen comunicar.

Suetonius Tranquilus relates of Julius Caesar, that he valued the Skill of Arms so highly, that in the game and exercise of the Sword, he would not permit his recruits to be taught by common Masters (who were called Lanistas) but rather he obliged the Roman Knights, and the very Senators skilled in Arms (who for this reason were called Doctors of the Armies, according to Vegetius) to teach the Military in their homes; for this purpose he made public requests in his letters, encouraging them to acquire the science, and skill of the singulars, so that they could thus communicate it.

De eſte principio pudo reſultar el reparo de Valerio Maximo, que haziendo memoria de los certamenes Militares, pondera, que Publio Rutilio Conſul, y Cayo Manlio, ſu colega, eſtimando el exercicio de las Armas (y en eſpecial de la Eſpada) traxeron à Roma, de la Eſcuela de Cayo Aurelio Scauro, los Doctores de los Gladiatores mas exercitados, para que conſu ciencia, arte, y experiencia, en defenſa, y ofenſa enſeñaſſen à evitar las heridas contrarias, y executar las proprias; porque aſsi, mezclando la virtud al arte, y el arte a la virtud, aquella preſtaſſe el impulſo fuerte, y eſta à aquella la ciencia, reſultando de vno, y otro la cauta operacion valiente.

From this principle could arise the consideration of Valerius Maximus, who, making memory of the Military competitions, highlights that Publius Rutilius Consul, and Gaius Manlius, his colleague, valuing the exercise of Arms (and especially the Sword) brought to Rome, from the School of Gaius Aurelius Scaurus, the most exercised Teachers of the Gladiators, so that with their science, art, and experience, in defense and offense they could teach to avoid contrary wounds and execute their own; because thus, mixing virtue with art, and art with virtue, the former would provide the strong impulse, and the latter the knowledge to the former, resulting from both the cautious brave operation.

No puede eſcuſarſe el empeño de los terminos Gladiatores, y Laniſtas, tan vſados en los Antiguos, y tan poco entendidos de los vulgares, que confundiendo los exercicios, las acciones, y las perſonas, no diſtinguen lo honroſo de lo vituperable, ni al contrario; por cuyo fin, es forçoſo inveſtigar en lo recondito de las buenas letras lo eſſencial à nueſtro intento.

The insistence on the terms Gladiators, and Lanistas, so used in the Ancients, and so little understood by the common people, who, confusing the exercises, actions, and people, do not distinguish the honorable from the reprehensible, nor the contrary; for this purpose, it is necessary to investigate in the depths of good letters what is essential to our intention.

Seneca, eſcriviendo à Lucilo (hablando de los Gladiatores) haze mencion de tres eſpecies, y ſin diſtincion, las tiene por vituperables todas, nombrandolos, Ordinarios,Pares, y Poſtulaticios, à cuya comprobacion, ſe valen algunos de Feſto, y Vlpiano, confundiendo tambien el termino Poſtulaticios con Supoſiticios, por el verſillo de Marcial: Hermes ſupoſiticio es aſsimiſmo.

Seneca, writing to Lucilius (speaking of the Gladiators) makes mention of three species, and without distinction, considers all of them reprehensible, naming them, Ordinaries, Equals, and Postulatics, for whose verification, some rely on Festus, and Ulpian, also confusing the term Postulatics with Supposititious, by the verse of Martial: Hermes is also supposititious.

Mas Celio Rodiginio, grande inquiridor de las vozes antiguas, contra Seneca, y los demàs de ſu opinion, tiene por Gladiatores Ordinarios à aquellos, que eran en primer lugar peritos de la Gladiatura, y que en ſu aparato, y rito inſtrudos, producian los Digladiatores, que à la voluntad de los eſpectaculos, conſtitucion, ò coſtumbre ſolian exhibir. Y haze exemplar en los Juriſconſultos, y Conſules Ordinarios, concluyendo: Porque juſto, y legitimo eſpectaculo de los Gladiatores le llamò Suetonio, por la formula, y rito ordinario dado.

But Celio Rodiginio, great inquirer of the ancient voices, against Seneca, and the rest of his opinion, considers as Ordinary Gladiators those who were in the first place experts of the Gladiatura, and who, instructed in their appearance, and rite, produced the Gladiators, who at the will of the spectators, constitution, or custom used to exhibit. And he makes an example in the Jurisconsults, and Ordinary Consuls, concluding: Because Suetonius called it a just and legitimate spectacle of the Gladiators, by the formula, and ordinary rite given.

Y à mayor evidencia propone el Juez Ordinario, que por ſu derecho, ò del Principe exerce entera jurifdiccion, como tambien à aquel à quien eſtà cometida la vniverſidad de las cauſas, y que por el Colegio ſe elige, y por el Superior ſe confirma, que ſe nombra Ordinario, y lo miſmo el Legado en la Provincia ſobre decreto, en que admite Celio dos generos; vnos, que tienen adminiſtracion; y otros, que no la tienen; como aſsi tambien avia dos Ordinarios de la Milicia (como en la Hiſtoria de los Emperadores, tratando del Imperio de Tiberio, elcrive Flavio Vopiſco) como ſe vſava en la Cavalleria, donde avia Ordinarios Conſules, que todo es del miſmo Celio.

And to greater evidence, he proposes the Ordinary Judge, who by his right, or of the Prince exercises entire jurisdiction, as also to that one to whom is committed the university of causes, and that by the College is chosen, and by the Superior is confirmed, who is named Ordinary, and the same the Legate in the Province over decree, in which Celio admits two types; some, who have administration; and others, who do not have it; as also there were two Ordinaries of the Militia (as in the History of the Emperors, dealing with the Empire of Tiberius, writes Flavius Vopiscus) as it was used in the Cavalry, where there were Ordinary Consuls, which is all from the same Celio.

Poſtulaticios Gladiatores (entiende el miſmo Autor) ſer aquellos, que por el ruego, ò poſtulacion del Pueblo (fuera de obligacion ordinaria) por benignidad, ò conceſsion del Principie, daban algunos Digladiatores para actos extraordinarios, como lo ſignifica Suetonto Tranquilo, diziendo, que demás de la obligacion ordinaria de los Queſtores, poſtulava ſiempre el Pueblo, y ſe le concedia poteſtad para mas Digladiatores Pares, que inducian en nuevo aulico aparato: qual mas claro el miſmo Suetonio refiere en el eſpectaculo extraordinario de Gladiatores.

The same author understands “Postulaticios Gladiatores” to be those who, due to the requests or petitions of the people (beyond ordinary obligation), out of kindness or concession by the Prince, provided some Gladiators for extraordinary events. This is what Suetonius Tranquilo implies when he says that, in addition to the ordinary obligation of the Questors, the people always petitioned and were granted the power to have more ‘Pares Gladiators,’ who brought about a new, courtly spectacle. The same Suetonius explains this more clearly in his description of the extraordinary spectacle of Gladiators.

Y enmienda Celio la leccion en Seneca, que lee por Pariarios, Pares: y ſaca la razon contra el miſmo Seneca, que entiende por Pariarios los Proxenetas, que es lo proprio, que Mediadores, ò Conciliadores en las compras, y ventas, ò controverlias, &c. no ignorando el vſo, que quando los Emperadores ſalian à la guerra, hazian eſpectaculos de Gladiatores, y de Venaciones (que eran de ferozes animales) y los Gladiatores peleavan ante la imagen de Nemeſis, con que entendian expeler la fuerça de la fortuna, ò para que los Soldados excluyeſſen el terror para dàr, y recibir heridas.

Celio corrects the lesson in Seneca, who reads ‘Pariarios’ for ‘Pares’. He argues against Seneca’s understanding, as Seneca considers ‘Pariarios’ to mean ‘Proxenetas’, which is the equivalent of Mediators or Conciliators in purchases, sales, disputes, etc. He also notes the custom that when Emperors went to war, they staged spectacles of Gladiators and ‘Venaciones’ (wild animal hunts). The Gladiators fought before the image of Nemesis, believing this would dispel the force of fortune, or so that the soldiers would dismiss their fear of giving and receiving wounds.

Plinio, tratando de los eſpectaculos de los Elephantes, refiere la conſumacion de los Gladiatores en tiempo de Claudio, y Nerón; y Celio Rodiginio, haziendo preſa en la dificultad, què ſea la confumacion de los: Gladiatores? concluye (por Autor, que llama doctiſsimo) ſer los Gladiatores Veteranos, que ya del arte, y vſo diurno debian deſcanſar. O ſiagrada, tambien puede dezirle Rudiarios, que aſsi (por Priſciano Interprete) ſe nombran los que, dandoles Baculo, ò Barra, dexan la Gladiatura y reciben alimentos publicos: à que alude Ciceron, diziendo à vno: Tan buen Gladiator has ſido y que tan preſto recibiſte baculo?

Pliny, when discussing the spectacles of the Elephants, reports the culmination of the Gladiators during the time of Claudius and Nero. Celio Rodiginio, grappling with the difficulty of what the culmination of the Gladiators could be, concludes (citing an author he calls ‘most learned’) that these were the veteran Gladiators who, due to their art and daily practice, needed to rest. If you agree, they could also be called ‘Rudiarios’. Prisciano, the interpreter, named them as such - those who, upon receiving a staff or bar, leave the Gladiator life and receive public sustenance. Cicero alludes to this when he says to one, “You have been such a good Gladiator, why did you receive your staff so soon?”

Concluye Celio, que Gladiatores conſumados ſe llamavan los que tenian por calificados en la ciencia, arte, y experiencia gladiatoria (que es lo miſmo, que Dieſtros en la Eſpada) como los Soldados de dignas hazañas, en fuerça de ſus meritos; ſe llamavan confumados.

Celio concludes that Gladiators were called ‘consumed’ when they were recognized for their science, art, and gladiatorial experience (which is the same as being skilled with the sword), like soldiers who were dignified by their deeds; they were called ‘consumed’ due to the strength of their merits.

Aſsi nota Julio Frontino, que aviendo Curcio par vencido à los Sabinos, por Senado-Conſulto le ampliaron las tierras, como à los Soldados confumados, aunque èl ſe contentò con la porcion ordinaria, que ſe concedia a los Soldados Veteranos: luego no todos los que profeſſavan la gladiatoria, eran vituperables, ſino diſtintos entre si, fegun ſu ocupacion, y pericia.

Thus, Julio Frontino notes that after Curcio defeated the Sabines, by Senate Consultation they expanded his lands, as to the seasoned soldiers, although he was content with the ordinary portion that was granted to veteran soldiers. So, not all who practiced gladiatorship were blameworthy, but distinct among themselves, according to their occupation and skill.

Hallanſe aſsi tambien diferentes eſpecies de Gladiatores, reſpecto de las armas que vſaron los comunes (como nota Juan Raviſio Textor, y el Teatro de la Vida Humana) fueron los que llamaron Reciarios, Sectores, Mirmilones, Hoplomachias, y Thraces. Y à los Maeſtros de todos eſtos en comun los nombraron genericamenite Laniſtas, que correſpond à Maeſtros de Armas publicos, porque tenian publicas Eſcuelas en las plazas, ò campos: mas avia otros, que en ſus caſas enſeñavan la ciencia, arte, y experiencia de la Eſpada.

Thus, different types of Gladiators are found, regarding the common weapons (as noted by Juan Ravisio Textor, and the Theater of Human Life) were those they called Reciarios, Sectores, Mirmilones, Hoplomachias, and Thraces. And they generically named the Masters of all these Lanistas, which corresponds to public Masters of Arms, because they had public Schools in the squares, or fields: but there were others, who in their houses taught the science, art, and experience of the Sword.

Aquellos, que eran publicos Laniſtas, enſeñavan à los Gladiatores Fiſcales, y à otros, que vendian à los Munerarios para eſpectaculos publicos Venatorios, y Poſtulaticios, y los que por paga, ò por oſtentacion publica peleavan al Sol en la area.

Those who were public Lanistas, taught the Fiscal Gladiators, and others, who sold to the Munerarios for public Venatory and Postulatic spectacles, and those who for pay, or for public ostentation fought under the Sun in the arena.

Munerarios llamavan propriamente à aquellos que eran los exhibitores de los Gladiatorios Fiſcales, y Venatorios para los publicos eſpectaculos, que correſpondian a los que llamaron Agonethas los Griegos: fuera de los Laniſtas, avia otras perſonas peritas en la meditacion, y exercicio de la Eſpada, muy diferentes, y aſsi los llamavan Sciamachios (porque como explica Celio Rodiginio) ſabian, y enſeñavan la ciencia, arte, y experiencia de la Eſpada, no en las plazas, ni à los Gladiatores comunes, fino vmbratiles à los Milites, como ſintió Plutarco, de donde Juan Raviſio Textor, explicando por el termino Sciamachia, el exercicio, dixo, Que debaxo de techado fingian vmbratil pelèa, no verdadera, como la de los Laniſtas, ſino enſeñando el Arte de la Eſpada en todos ſus modos de embeſtir, y retirar, hirtendo, y evitando las heridas, como tambien donde con punta, donde cortando, avian de executar los golpes: y aſsi enſeñavan ſus difcipulos, para que en todas ocaſiones, aora en el polvo, aora en el vulnifico certamen ſe aſſeguraſſen mejor, y con mas arte invadieſſen los enemigos. El curioſo vea, y note las palabras del miſmo Textor, que por ſer tan latas, aunque proprias del intento, ſe omiten.

Munerarios was properly called those who were the exhibitors of the Fiscal and Venatory Gladiatorios for public spectacles, which corresponded to those called Agonethas by the Greeks: apart from the Lanistas, there were other persons skilled in meditation and exercise of the Sword, very different, and so they called them Sciamachios (because as Celio Rodiginio explains) they knew and taught the science, art, and experience of the Sword, not in the squares, nor to the common Gladiators, but to the Milites, as sensed by Plutarch, from where Juan Ravisio Textor, explaining the term Sciamachia, the exercise, said, that under a roof they feigned a shadowy fight, not a real one, like that of the Lanistas, but teaching the Art of the Sword in all its ways of attacking, and retreating, striking, and avoiding the wounds, as well as where with the point, where cutting, they had to execute the blows: and so they taught their disciples, so that on all occasions, now in the dust, now in the injurious contest they would better assure themselves, and with more art attack the enemies. The curious see, and note the words of Textor himself, which being so broad, although proper of the intention, are omitted.

Expreſlo lugar à nueſtro intento, demonſtrando quan dirferentes eran los Laniſtas, y Gladiatores comunes, que ſe producian para los eſpectaculos publicos, à los que noblemente enſeñavan, y aprendian la inteligencia, y exercicio de la Eſpada, para defenderſe, y ofender à ſus contrarios en las ocaſiones honroſas: de donde doctamente Celio Rodiginio, reconociendo la diſtincion, reprehende à los que como vulgares confunden los terminos, entendiendo rudamente por la Sciamachia, que es la perfecta Deſtreza, y meditacion de la Eſpada, lo que llaman Eſgrima, que es muy diferente, como advierte el miſmo Celio, llamando femidocto vulgo à los que confunden terminos tan diſtintos; en cuya conſideracion controvierte los terminos, y los exercicios, y aplica à la Sciamachia la hiſtoria, y la eſtatua de Glauco, hombre inſigne en las virtudes; y la eſpecialmente en la juſticia, y en la meditacion, y operaciones de la Eſpada (que vulgarmente ſe llama Deſtreza) y aſsi, lo que la profeſſavan (à diferencia de los Laniſtas) tenian, como inſignia noble, la pintura de Glauco, ſegun ſu eſtatua, qual refiere Celio, donde con mas latitud hallarà toda ſatisfacion el curioſo.

This place expresses our intention, demonstrating how different were the Lanistas, and common Gladiators, who were produced for public spectacles, to those who nobly taught and learned the intelligence and exercise of the Sword, to defend themselves, and offend their opponents in honorable occasions: from which, learnedly, Celio Rodiginio, recognizing the distinction, reproves those who, like the commoners, confuse the terms, rudely understanding by the Sciamachia, which is the perfect Skill, and meditation of the Sword, what they call Fencing, which is very different, as the same Celio points out, calling semi-learned people those who confuse such distinct terms; in whose consideration he disputes the terms, and the exercises, and applies to the Sciamachia the history, and the statue of Glaucus, a man distinguished in virtues; and especially in justice, and in the meditation, and operations of the Sword (which is commonly called Skill) and thus, those who professed it (in contrast to the Lanistas) had, as a noble insignia, the painting of Glaucus, according to his statue, as Celio refers, where with more breadth the curious will find all satisfaction.

Y bien, que à los famoſos en la inteligencia, y exercicio de la Eſpada, genericamente (por el inſtrumento Gladio) los nombravan Gladiatores, y dividian ſus eſpecies por las armas, de que vſavan (como queda notado) de los Reciarios, Sectores, Mirmilones, Hoplomachios, y Thraces. Porque en los eſpectaculos publicos ſe admitian de tales eſpecies de armas, y exercicios, no por eſſo dexavan de vſar las miſmas armas los que en la Sciamachia las aprendian con mayor perfeccion, y à mejores fines hallandoſe en todas hombres nobiliſsimos, y famoſos, como à la comprobacion ſe hara memoria de dignos exemplares. Suponiendo, para mas clara inteligencia, que los Reciarios pugnavan con vna red, que ocultavan debaxo del eſcudo, y con ella, en el conflito de la pelèa, tirandola, embolvian al contrario, y eſtos tambien tuvieron el nombre de Mirmilones (llamados aſsi, porque eran contrarios de los Reciarios, y tenian por inſignia en la galea vn pez, como dize Turnebo) y ſe diferenciavan de los Sectores, en que vſando eſcudo, tunica armigera, y Eſpada, vnos, y otros ſe ponian celadas, y los Reciarios ſombreros, como tocan Raviſio Textor, y Carlos Zerotino, valiendoſe del verſo de Juvenal:
Ni efcondiò la frente con el capote, ni moviò el tridente.
Herodoto refiere de Phrinòn (à quien califica por clariſsimo Capitan de los Athenienſes) que era tan dieſtro en la eſpecie de Gladiator Reciario, que enſingular certamen con Pithaco Mitiline, en el mayor conflicto de la pelèa, con la red, que ocultaba en el eſcudo, ſe la tirò por vn lado con tanta deſtreza, que embuelto en ella Pithaco, le ſupero Phrinòn, y le venciò honroſamente.

And although those famous in the intelligence and exercise of the Sword, generically (by the instrument Gladio) were called Gladiators, and divided their species by the weapons they used (as noted above) from the Retiarius, Secutores, Murmillo, Hoplomachus, and Thracians. Because in public spectacles these kinds of weapons and exercises were admitted, it does not mean that those in Sciamachia, who learned them with greater perfection and for better purposes, did not use the same weapons, finding among all of them extremely noble and famous men, as will be proven by the memory of worthy examples. It is assumed, for clearer understanding, that the Retiarii fought with a net, which they hid under the shield, and with it, in the conflict of the fight, by throwing it, they entangled the opponent, and these also had the name of Murmillo (so called, because they were opponents of the Retiarii, and they had as insignia on the helmet a fish, as Turnebo says) and they were differentiated from the Secutores, in that using a shield, armigerous tunic, and Sword, some, and others put on helmets, and the Retiarii hats, as Ravisio Textor and Carlo Zerotino touch on, making use of Juvenal’s verse: He did not hide his forehead with the cloak, nor did he move the trident. Herodotus tells of Phrinon (whom he qualifies as a very clear Captain of the Athenians) who was so skilled in the kind of Gladiator Retiarius, that in a singular contest with Pithaco Mitiline, in the greatest conflict of the fight, with the net, which he hid in the shield, he threw it at him on one side with such skill that, enveloped in it, Pithaco was surpassed by Phrinon, and he honorably defeated him.

De Gracco, tambien famoſo Reciario, haze memoria Juvenal:
Ni quando pelèo moviòla rodela Gracco
Gladiatores Thraces llamavan à aquellos, que al vſo de la Thracia vſaron las Eſpadas, la Deſtreza, en que llegaron à tener eltimacion en la antiguedad; y aſsi los colocan entre los demàs, y por cèlebre, hazen mencion de Eſpartacho Thrace, de quien Cerotino, y Textor dizen, fue famolo.

Juvenal also mentions Gracchus, a famous Retiarius:
Even when Gracchus fought, he didn’t move his shield.
They called the Gladiators who used swords in the Thracian style ‘Thracians’, a skill that was highly esteemed in antiquity; they are thus placed among the others, and Spartacus the Thracian is mentioned for his renown, as Cerotino and Textor say, he was famous.

Y à mas comprobacion, por dignos exemplares, compilarèmos algunos Dieſtros en la ciencia,y arte de la Eſpada, à quien por el termino Gladio, los Antiguos les dieron el nombre de Gladiatores, no porque lo fueſſen Fiſcales, Venartorios, ni Poſtulaticios, ſino por el exercicio, y deſtreza en el inſtrumento Eſpada.

For further verification, I will compile some notable examples of experts in the science and art of the sword, to whom the Ancients gave the name Gladiators, not because they were Fiscal, Venartorian, or Postulatic, but because of their practice and skill with the instrument of the sword.

Suydas dize de Polydamante, que Artaxerxes le hizo mercedes grandes, porque en certámen publico èl ſolo peleò con tres Perſas fortiſsimos, y les diò la muerte à todos; tanto importa la deſtreza experimentada.

Suidas says of Polydamantes, that Artaxerxes gave him great rewards because in a public contest he alone fought with three very strong Persians, and killed them all; such is the value of experienced skill.

De Dioxipo, Soldado de Alexandro Magno, celebra Eliano la deſtreza, y fortaleza, y que provocado de Cortago, Soldado Macedonio, le matò en ſingular certamen.

Eliano celebrates the skill and strength of Dioxippus, a soldier of Alexander the Great, who, challenged by a Macedonian soldier named Coragus, killed him in a one-on-one duel.

Joſepho eſtima à Sabino, Gladiator inſigne, que por ſu ſaber, y deſtreza, el Emperador Cayo le conſtituyò ſu Tribuno, y le hiz Prefecto de ſu Exercito.

Josephus appreciates Sabino, a notable Gladiator, who because of his knowledge and skill, Emperor Gaius appointed him his tribune and made him the prefect of his army.

Por admirables en la compoſicion corporal, y en la deſtreza, hazen ponderacion Solino, y Plinio de Tritano, Gladiator Samnite, de quien Varròn afirma, que no ſolo en los pechos, fino en los braços tenia tranſverlos los nervios, preſtandole tanta fuerça aquel modo de compoſtura natural, que con leve tacto ſuperaba qualquiera adverſario, perficionando com el exercicio, y ſaber la aptividad corporal, y con la miſma compoſicion (dizen) tuvo vn hijo tan ſemejante, que ſiendo Soldado de Cneo Pompeyo, con vn dedo matò à fu enemigo.

Solinus and Pliny make a point of admiring Tritanus, a Samnite gladiator, of whom Varro affirms that he not only had transverse muscles in his chest but also in his arms. This natural constitution gave him such strength that with a light touch he could overcome any adversary, perfecting his physical aptitude with exercise and knowledge. It’s also said that he had a son very similar to him, who, being a soldier of Gnaeus Pompey, killed his enemy with one finger.

Y omitiendo otros muchos exemplares de hombres inſignes, y famoſos en la Deſtreza de la Eſpada, concluirèmos, con los cèlebres Vito, y Bachio, que iguales en el arte, y en la audacia, aviendo ſido ſiempre vencedores en ſus contrarios, ſe provocaron en ſingular duelo, y certamen los dos, y ſin obtener ninguno le vitoria, ambos quedaron muertos en la paleſtra, de donde reſultò el adagio. Vito contra Bachio, qual nota Eraſmo, y Carlos Cerotino.

Leaving aside many other examples of notable and famous men in swordsmanship, we’ll conclude with the famous Vito and Bachio, who were equals in skill and audacity. Having always been victorious against their adversaries, they challenged each other to a duel. Neither won the victory; both died in the arena, giving rise to the saying, Vito against Bachio. as noted by Erasmus and Carlo Cerotino.

Erſerio, y Pacidiano, a quien Ciceron, y otros dieron el cognomen de Gladiatores nobiliſsimos, por la ciencia, y Deſtreza en la Eſpada, fiempre fueron vencedores, y ni vno del otro fue vencido, aunque combatieron, de donde tambien reſultò el adagio para ſigruficar dos excelentes iguales, Erfenio con Pacidiano.

Ersenio and Pacidiano, whom Cicero and others called the most noble Gladiators because of their science and skill with the sword, always emerged as victors. Neither was defeated by the other even though they fought, giving rise to another saying to signify two excellent equals, Ersenio with Pacidiano.

No menos inſigne fue Eſchines, que Erſenio, pues con el miſmo Pacidiano, llegando al combate, ſe compuſo, reconociendoſe iguales, como advierte Cerotino.

No less notable was Eschines, who, like Ersenio, fought with the same Pacidiano. They made peace during the combat, recognizing themselves as equals, as Cerotino notes.

Era permitido en la antiguedad, quando entraban en fingular certamen dos Dieſtros en la Eſpada, componerſe, quedando honarificos, ò por aver ambos aprendido con vn Maeſtro, ò por ſer inſignes en la Deſtreza, y el valor, como ſe colige de el caſo de Eſchines, y Pacidiano, y expreſſa Celio Rodiginio, y Ciceron.

In antiquity, it was allowed when two experts in the sword entered into a duel to compose themselves, remaining honorable, either because they both learned from the same Master, or because they were notable in skill and valor. This can be inferred from the case of Eschines and Pacidiano, as expressed by Celio Rodiginio and Cicero.

Y à todo haze conſequencia grande, y calificada el mas exemplar, el mas admirable, que ſe halla en las Hiſtorias, y mas en honor de Eſpaña, el caſo de dos Eſpañoles, inſignes Cavalleros, Rui Paez de Viedma, y Payo Rodriuez Davila, que en tiempo del Rey Don Alonſo el Onceno de Caſtilla, aviendoſe deſafiado vno à otro (ſegun los fueros) el Rey les concediò campo en el Arenal de Xerèz de la Frontera, y ſe hallò preſente al combate: y entrados en la paleſtra, pelearon en ſingular certamen tres dias continuados, deſde el Oriente al Ocaſo del Sol, retirandoſe las noches cada vno à ſu tienda, que tenian armadas dentro de la paleſtra, donde eran curados de las heridas, que avian recibido el vno del otro, y les daban à cenar pan, carne, y vino; y el dia ſiguiente bolvian al combate con la miſma valentia, peleando ſin cellar, haſta que en la tarde del dia tercero, el miſmo Rey los apartò, y compuſo, declarandolos por iguales en la deftreza, el valor, y la lealtad, eſtimandolos por inſignes Cavalleros, dignos de las hazañas belicas, en que merecieron renombres, y los declarò por libres de las obligaciones del reto, y deſafio, como ambos vitorioſos, qual ſe refiere latamente en la Hiſtoria del miſmo Rey, y en otros Libros, y Nobiliarios. Y es de advertir, que en ſemejantes duelos aſsiſtian los Reyes con varade oro en la mano, por la ſuprema juſticia, y ſe combatia con Eſpadas: ſiendo el vltimo exemplar el deſafio, que ſe celebrò en Valladolid, aſsiſtiendo perſonalmente el Maximo Ceſar Don Carlos Quinto, que deſparciò los combatientes, arrojando ſobre ellos la vara de oro, y declarandolos por buenos à entrambos, con las circunſtancias, que refiere Don Fray Prudencio de Sandoval.

And what adds great and distinguished consequence to all this is the most exemplary and admirable case found in history, particularly in honor of Spain: the case of two distinguished Spanish knights, Rui Paez de Viedma and Payo Rodriguez Davila. During the reign of King Alfonso the Eleventh of Castile, having challenged each other (according to customs), the King granted them a field in the Arena of Jerez de la Frontera and was present at the fight. They entered the arena and fought continuously for three days from sunrise to sunset, retreating each night to their respective tents set up within the arena, where they were treated for the wounds they had inflicted on each other, and given bread, meat, and wine for dinner. The following day they returned to combat with the same courage, fighting ceaselessly until the afternoon of the third day, when the King himself separated them and made peace, declaring them equal in skill, courage, and loyalty, recognizing them as distinguished knights, worthy of military exploits, in which they earned renown. He declared them both free from the obligations of the challenge, like both victors, as is extensively referred to in the history of the same King and in other books and noble records. It is noteworthy that in such duels, the Kings were present with a golden rod in hand, symbolizing supreme justice, and the combat was carried out with swords. The last example of this was the challenge that took place in Valladolid, attended personally by the great Emperor Carlos V, who separated the fighters by throwing his golden rod at them, and declared them both good, with the circumstances that Don Fray Prudencio de Sandoval relates.

De todo ſe infiere con claridad, quanto es importante, luſtrolo, y noble la ciencia arte, y experiencia del inſtrumento Eſpada; y la diſtincion que huvo en la antiguedad de ſus Profeſſores, y Maeſtros: y quales fueron vituperables, y quales nobles, y de eſtimacion; con que tiene lugar la reſolucion de Pedro Gregorio Toloſano, que tratando de los eſpectaculos Gladiatorios de la antiguedad, dixo, que no ſe avian de entender los exercicios de las armas, y pelèas abſolutamente, ſino con temperamento, porque vnos miran al interès, ò precio, y otros à la virtud: aquellos, no es dudable ſu deſeſtimacion; eſtos no admiten infamia, aun en los Athletas, como notò Vlpiano, y Alexandro de Alexandro. Y es del intento la doctrina de Platòn, que confieſſa: Que ningun varon conſigue el fer preclaro, ſi deſde la puericia no ſe verſa en exercicios honeſtos.

From all this, it can be clearly inferred how significant, illustrious, and noble the science, art, and experience of the sword is; and the distinction there was in antiquity among its professors and masters, and which were deplorable and which were noble and esteemed. This justifies the resolution of Pedro Gregorio Tolosano, who, discussing the gladiatorial spectacles of antiquity, said that exercises of arms and fights should not be understood absolutely, but with moderation, because some look at the interest, or price, and others at virtue: those are undoubtedly depreciated; these do not admit infamy, even in athletes, as noted by Ulpiano, and Alexandro de Alexandro. And it is consistent with the doctrine of Plato, who confesses: No man achieves renown if he does not engage in honest exercises from childhood.

Aſsi, ninguno es mas proprio, que à la nobleza la inteligencia, y exercicio de la Eſpada, pues con ella ſe adornan, con ella ſe arman, y con ella ſe honran todas las Naciones politicas; y mas al preſente, donde del todo eſtàn excluidos los Gladiatores communes, de quien reſultò el proverbio, Que ſe aconſejaban en la arena, porque peleaban en ella en los publicos eſpectaculos, ò como Fiſcales, ò como excluidos por los Laniſtas; y auren eſtos, y entre otros le admitia la compoſicion (como queda apuntado) por aver aprendido con vn Maeſtro, qual advierte tambien Quintiliano.

Thus, no one is more suited to nobility than the understanding and practice of the sword, as all civilized nations adorn themselves with it, arm themselves with it, and honor themselves with it; this is especially true today, where common gladiators are completely excluded, resulting in the proverb, They advised in the arena, because they fought there in public spectacles, or as fiscal officers, or as those excluded by the Lanistas; and even among these, composition was accepted (as noted earlier) for having learned with a master, as Quintilian also points out.

Tambien eſtà excluido, y ſe excluyò deſde la antiguedad el combate, que: ſe avia introducido en los convites, como refiere Nicolàs Damaſceno: vſaron los Romanos eſpectaculos Gladitorios, no ſolo en los publicos theatros, ſino en las cenas, y convites al rito de los Tirrenos, de quien lo aprendieron, eſcogiendo haſta dos, ò tres Gladiatores (de los que llamaban Pares) por ſerlo en la deſtreza; y eltos deſpues de ſaturados con los manjares, y las bebidas, peleaban à toda rigor procurando cada vno la vitoria, aunque dieſſen la muerte à ſu contrario, ò contrarios; y eſta accion la tenian por muy feſtiva, como tambien de los Celtas eſcrive Atheneo.

Also excluded since antiquity is the combat that was introduced at banquets, as Nicolas Damascene reports: the Romans used gladiatorial spectacles, not only in public theaters but also at dinners and banquets in the rite of the Tyrrhenians, from whom they learned, choosing up to two or three Gladiators (those they called Pares) for their skill; and these, after being satiated with the dishes and drinks, fought fiercely each seeking victory, even if they killed their opponent or opponents; and this action was considered very festive, as Atheneus also writes about the Celts.

No ſolo en los combites introducian los certamenes Gladiatorios, ſino poniendoles por premio à los mancebos alguna muger hermoſa, por cuyo amor combatian animoſos; ſacando, al parecer, la imitacion de los irracionales, por la advertencia Ovidiana, que dixo: Yo vi dos ſuertes toros, combatiendo por vna baca hermoſa, que preſente les eſtaba valor vivio infundiendo.

Not only in banquets did they introduce gladiatorial contests, but they also offered a beautiful woman as a prize to young men, for whose love they would fight spiritedly; seemingly taking imitation from irrational animals, as per Ovid’s observation, who said: I saw two sturdy bulls fighting for a beautiful cow, who was present, infusing vivid valor.

Y à tanto llegò eſte rito, por alentar à la deftreza de la Eſpada à la juventud, que en los teſtamentos dexaban algunos, que por tal, ò tales mugeres hermoſas combatieſſen con las Eſpadas, y ſe dieſſen à los vitorioſos en premio, y durò eſte vſo, haſta que el miſmo Pueblo Romano le abrogò, y prohibidò, como expreſſa Carlos Cerotino.

And this rite went so far, to encourage the skill of the sword among the youth, that in their wills, some left that for such beautiful women, they would fight with swords, and give themselves to the victorious as a prize. This custom lasted until the Roman people themselves abolished and prohibited it, as Carlos Cerotino expresses.

Fue aſsimiſmo tan exercitado el vſo de los certamenes, y combates Gladiatorios, que no ſolo en las fieſtas publicas, y en los convites, ſino en los funerales ſe introducian, teniendo la Republica Romana, y otras Naciones, con grandes precios para tanto numero, y varias eſpecies de Gladiatores, Maeftros publicos, que (ſegun Juan Villembrochio) genericamente los llamaban Laniſtas, muy diferentes, que los Sciamachios, imitadores de Glauco, cuya pintura (al modo de ſu eſtatua) la tenian en ſus caſas, donde enſeñaban à los que ſe dedicaban à la guerra, à cuya cauſa juſta ſe inſtituyeron las premeditaciones, y exercicios de la Eſpada, para que erudita la juventud, ſe acoſtumbraſſe à no temer las pelèas hoſtiles, como notaron Alexandro, y Celio Rodiginio. Dando Celio por inventor del Pancracio à Theſeo, en memoria de la victoria, que obtuvo del Minotauro, y entendiendo por Pancracio aquella pelèa, en que no tenia aptividad la facultad de la Eſpada, atribyendole tambien la paleſtrica exercitacion, en que la principal practica era de Eſpadas, de donde deſpues à los Maeftros de tales combates los llamaron en la Corte, Doctores, de la Paleſtra.

The use of gladiatorial contests and combats was also so widespread that they were not only introduced at public festivals and banquets, but also at funerals. The Roman Republic and other nations had public masters at great prices for so many and various types of Gladiators, who (according to Juan Villembrochio) they generically called Lanistas, very different from the Sciamachios, imitators of Glaucus, whose painting (in the style of his statue) they had in their houses, where they taught those dedicated to war. For this just cause, the premeditations and exercises of the sword were instituted, so that the educated youth would become accustomed to not fearing hostile fights, as Alexandro and Celio Rodiginio noted. Celio gives Theseus as the inventor of Pancratium, in memory of the victory he obtained from Minotaur, and understanding by Pancratium that fight, in which the skill of the sword was not aptitude, also attributing to him the palaestric exercise, in which the main practice was of swords, hence the masters of such combats were later called Doctors of the Palaestra in court.

Y ſi ſe huviera de diſcurrir por todas eſpecies de certamenes, yà Olimpicos, yà otros, introducidos para la agilitacion de los hombres en diferentes armas, y movimientos, todos à fin de la defenſa, y ofenſa humana, fuera neceſſario hazer libros enteros, y grandes, que por no ſer de mi aſſumpto, ſe omiten.

And if we were to discuss all types of contests, whether Olympic or others, introduced for the agility of men in different weapons and movements, all for the purpose of human defense and offense, it would be necessary to write entire and large books, which for not being my subject, are omitted.

Entendiendoſe, que en lugar de la Sciamachia, ha quedado la meditacion, y operacion de la inteligencia, y exercicio de la Eſpada, en que los con ciencia, arte, y experiencia alcançan ſus primores, teniendo por principal premio la virtud, pueden correſponder aun los Doctores de los Exercitos, Tribunos, y Conſules, que para la defenſa, y honor de los Reynos, ſe deſvelan en conſegur el verdadero conocimiento del inſtrumento mas noble, y mas honroſo, que manejan los hombres.

It is understood that in place of Sciamachia, there has remained meditation, operation of intelligence, and the practice of the sword, where those with knowledge, art, and experience reach their excellences, having virtue as their main reward. Even the Doctors of the Armies, Tribunes, and Consuls, who strive to achieve a true understanding of the noblest and most honorable instrument wielded by men for the defense and honor of the kingdoms, can be correspondingly recognized.

Y los que en comun, yà que no por todos ſus principios, y poteſtades cognitivas, à lo menos con reglas, y preceptos adquiridos, y experimentados, tratan, y exercen la enſeñança de la Eſpada, merecen el nombre honorifico de Maeſtros en las Armas, en tanto mas eſtimacion conſtituidos, quanto menos frequentan, y ſe introducen en las Plazas publicas.

And those who commonly, even if not through all their principles and cognitive powers, at least through acquired and experienced rules and precepts, engage and practice the teaching of the sword, deserve the honorary title of Masters in Arms. They gain more esteem, the less they frequent and appear in public squares.